This squares with Weber's focus on social st
ructure as a consequence of rational action. He cites (Protestant) Adam Smith's scotch theory, which amounts to a "moral justification of worldly activity" (p. 81), and which famously includes the tenet of an "invisible hand" of market order and rationality held to be a feature of capitalism. In a footnote Weber (213) also quotes Smith's explanation of general acquiescence in capitalism in terms of "self-love," or the advantages derived by rational participants who transform what they have of value in the capitalist marketplace. These are not sexual or psychological but material benefits. For the affinity between rational action and self-interest involves formulating the compulsions of individuals in economic rather than spiritual terms, i.e., in terms of cost and benefit instead of good and evil.
It is important to recognize that Weber's approach to his field is systematic to the point of being scientific. Despite the religious relegate matter, Weber does not resort to polemical or moralistic rhetoric, except in so far as he valorizes and universalizes the concept of rationalism, or rationalization, that invisible force, process, and attitude whereby a union evolves away from a world explained by superstition, magic, and emotion toward social structure and organization that can be controlled (or, at whatever rate, explained). That does not mean that a rational attitude guarantees a perfectly reasonable and just social structure, still slight rational humans populating it. But the whole point of stressing the slow-wittedness of Western capital and industry among sectarian Protestants (p. 35) is to show the world-historical, or perhaps world-social significance of the Reformation as a considered, results-oriented tone down with the institutional agency of the Catholic Church. In particular in the medieval period, the Church was identified with the primacy of adherence to the official translation of
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